Tag: HOUSING

  • In Vancouver, social housing probably doesn’t mean what you think it does

    In Vancouver, social housing probably doesn’t mean what you think it does

    As the city defines it, a building is considered 100 per cent social housing if it’s rental housing that includes a minimum of 30 per cent low-market rents.

    A fanciful promise to “make it easier to build social housing than mansions” failed to win support at Vancouver council last week.

    The campaign by Coun. Christine Boyle with support from the mayor suggested a simple solution to housing unaffordability, but instead resulted in misinformation and anxiety.

    On a superficial level, the slogan is compelling, but the proposal to skip rezoning and fast-track new developments of up to 12 storeys was for neighbourhoods populated not by mansions, but almost exclusively by older, affordable walk-up apartments — Kitsilano, Marpole, Mount Pleasant and Grandview-Woodland.

    It had the potential to do the opposite of the purported goals, leading to displacement and loss of affordable rental homes.

    In Vancouver, social housing probably doesn’t mean what you think it means.

    As the City of Vancouver defines it, a building is considered 100-per-cent social housing if it is rental housing that includes a minimum of 30-per-cent low-market rents (or HILs).

    According to B.C. Housing, HILs set out “the minimum income required to afford appropriate accommodation in the private market.”

    In Vancouver, the requirement for a studio apartment is $55,500 — almost $5,000 above the median income in the city. The rest of the units can be rented at market rates if the building is owned by a non-profit organization (or government, or co-op).

    Notwithstanding the definition, some non-profit organizations will strive for deeper affordability, but policy doesn’t obligate them to do so.

    In fact, there is no obligation that a non-profit organization include affordable housing as its mandate. We heard agreement from non-profit housing providers that this definition is problematic, and warnings that less-scrupulous developers could exploit the opportunity to game legitimate construction profits and asset management fees.

    Last month, council voted unanimously to support a similar staff recommendation to pre-zone and fast-track social housing up to six storeys. The leap to 12 storeys, however, posed barriers to delivering affordability, despite improved market performance.

    The 12-storey up-zoning implications on land economics were so substantial that one council colleague was advised to recuse from the vote as his property would see “significant” value increase were the motion to pass.

    Quoting from city staff and their concerns with the proposal, economic testing has shown that the viability of mid-rise forms (for example, over six storeys and under 12 storeys) was challenged due to the high cost of building in concrete.

    Staff further warned that implications around utilities, neighbourhood amenities and traffic would need to be considered, and it would be very difficult to secure infrastructure and servicing requirements without a rezoning.

    These are real concerns, further underscored by the definition, and the fact that “social housing” doesn’t pay development charges or amenity fees — for instance, the city forgoes millions of dollars per building that pay for critical infrastructure and services needed to accommodate growth such as community centres, daycare, and utilities.

    Critically, eliminating the oversight otherwise afforded by rezoning limits the discretion to ensure public benefit trade-offs are commensurate to the level of affordability — not just the policy minimums.

    Other considerations: We don’t have tenant protection policies robust enough to defend all the tenants at risk of “demoviction” in this scenario, and the biggest barriers to affordable housing are senior government funding timelines and our development permit process — not rezonings.

    The motion made for a great campaign slogan, but not a practical solution.

    Attempts to amend the motion to be more reflective of some of the legitimate concerns I outline above lost on procedure, and the motion was defeated.

    Readers can take some comfort, however, in knowing that city staff are bringing new and thoughtful policies in coming months to improve and fast-track the delivery of affordable housing.

    I would be remiss not to acknowledge that there was a lot of misinformation around this issue, in particular from many opponents who conflated “social housing” with “supportive housing” — the latter (low-income housing with support services) is what most people think of when they hear “social housing.”

    To be clear, this motion was defeated by a council majority as an inadequate policy, not because council doesn’t support social or supportive housing.

  • Why the views matter

    Why the views matter

    With the first of three mountain-view-penetrating proposed towers heading to Council for vote tomorrow, there’s a lot of talk both for and against the context and importance of Vancouver’s view cones. #SaveOurSkylineYVR

    It’s easy (cynical) to paint false dichotomy: It’s just a view after all. The mountains will still be there even when obscured behind condo towers; meanwhile there’s more important issues like housing crisis, opioid crisis, economic growth, right? 

    But the choice is a logical fallacy. 

    Incursion into our view cones represent the depth of an ongoing assault on the public commons: “the cultural and natural resources accessible to all members of a society” the commons are resources belonging to the people not owned privately. 

    Selling off our commons to private interests for meagre returns of dubious public benefit is how our governments approve affordable housing disconnected from local incomes, or drunk with casino cash ignore dufflebags of fentanyl poisoning our streets

    The purported public benefit (stadium upgrades) associated with this particular tower at 777 Pacific are arguably more a benefit to land speculators than the commons. In fact, increasing scrutiny of big city/big stadium projects raises questions about economic impacts, let alone public benefits of these types of projects.

    The only public free show at BC Place I recall: as a kid, watching the stadium inflate from the Connaught Street Bridge. In years that followed, Expo 86, and on subsequent sale of site for redevelopment, a commitment to preserve a view for the commons, not the highest bidder. That was barely 30y ago. 

    Those commitments we compromise today: be it laundering blood money, letting the market determine housing affordability, or selling off our views, only continue to set one awful precedent after another — where seemingly almost anything (and everything) is for sale.

    From the depressingly prescient and present Harper’s Magazine article from this month by Kevin Baker, The Death of a Once Great City“The question haunting our urban success stories today is whether the prevailing conservative addiction to privately owned, government-subsidized mega-development is sustainable.” 

  • Integrity of office and public trust.

    Integrity of office and public trust.

    Integrity of office and public trust.
    Yesterday morning I tweeted news that the City’s top properties guy: Bill Aujla, manager of Real Estate and Facilities had tendered his resignation to go and work for the Aquilini Group as VP of Real Estate.

    The news has garnered a lot of comment, mostly outrage and support for stronger lobbyist rules; but also defensiveness from the libertarian build-more-supply set who’ve suggested that ‘rules’ would put a chill on hiring top talent mangers at the City.

    Firstly, I want to be clear: I’ve met with Bill Aujla on a few different projects and found him to very helpful and smart. I also found him to have a good social justice lens. I’m not questioning his character or ability.

    My concern is the wild west of lobbying and political influence, and that there aren’t strong enough rules to that effect.

    I don’t think its unreasonable for city staff to seek employment in the private sector after their tenure, but in the case of top managers, especially where they deal with highly sensitive and valuable information we need some rules.

    The idea of rules isn’t especially draconian or out of the ordinary. In the corporate world, non-disclosure arrangements, non-competition clauses, and “cooling off periods” are all par the course. Other governments have regulations in place to address “revolving door politics.” in France, public officials who move between the public and private sectors are mandated a three-year wait between working in the government and taking a job in the private sector. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolving_door_(politics)]

    Noteworthy that in Mr. Aujla’s case, many of his meetings would have been “in camera” because if that information was made public, it would easily evoke a run on speculation and price gouging.

    Big money influence, loose lobby rules, conflict of interest: it’s the perception and well-warranted concern of these issues that has eroded public trust in city government.

    These concerns are consistent with our Vancouver Green ethics: we voluntarily rejected developer and big money contributions and have been leading the charge for better whistleblower protection and conflict-of-interest rules.

    PS. That Aquilini’s have city’s top real estate guy, former VPD chief, and at least two mayor candidates in their fold should be an obvious cause for concern.

  • No Tower on the Drive? More fallout on the BOFFO-Kettle deal

    No Tower on the Drive? More fallout on the BOFFO-Kettle deal

    Fallout over the BOFFO-Kettle deal that would have seen a new drop-in and supportive housing along with close to 200 market condos built atop an assembled parcel of private and public owned land and Commercial and Venables.

    As I commented to the Sun reporter yesterday and on Twitter as the story broke – it’s impossible to have an informed opinion on this issue because there is absolutely no transparency. Indeed, as close to half the property in question here is owned by the taxpayers, there should be an onus for even MORE clarity when it comes to negotiating Community Amenity Contributions. There isn’t.

    CACs are negotiated ad hoc, on a case-by-case basis between staff and developers. There is no public scrutiny, nor is there any predictability – this builds an air of frustration and distrust for both developers and the public. Where millions of dollars of public benefits are at stake, and where over the course of ten years of unfettered majority rule, Vision Vancouver have net millions of dollars in developer donations (just as the NPA did before them) it’s high time we took a closer look at how these benefits are calculated and for whom.

    In the case of the BOFFO-Kettle project, a conflux of issues: neighbourhood opposition to the height, scale and context of the project, with the developer on one side claiming the city has demanded too much public benefit to make the project viable, on the other side the city claiming the developer hasn’t even submitted an application and their asks are quite reasonable.

    Was the city being reasonable? Did BOFFO bail because of neighbourhood resistance, sunk costs, a softening speculative and offshore condo market, greener pastures and smoother sailing next door in Burnaby? — of course, we the public will never know what is really going on because the details of the CAC ask aren’t public.

    Mayoral candidate and UBC urban planning prof Patrick Condon once called CACs and spot zoning the soft spot for corruption. He’s right: let’s open it up and have honest good faith negotiations, we have a (moral) right to know what we are trading in public benefits for private profits.

    Postscript:  Interview and story here: http://vancouversun.com/news/local-news/scrutiny-over-how-development-fe…