Tag: HOUSING

  • Tackling the roots of Vancouver’s housing affordability crisis

    Tackling the roots of Vancouver’s housing affordability crisis

    The affordability crisis in Vancouver certainly isn’t news—it was a central theme of our most recent civic election, and the two preceding it—but in recent weeks, calls for senior government intervention have landed on the premier’s desk in the form of a petition seeking restrictions on foreign ownership of property.

    Readers might be confused by Premier Christy Clark’s warning that implementing taxes on foreign real estate investors would cause housing prices to drop, while Housing Minister Rich Coleman insists the provincial government has no intention of even collecting data on foreign ownership, nor has it come up as an issue for his ministry.

    Are the growing number of Vancouverites’ concerns warranted? Is the unfettered flow of global capital into our local market affecting our housing affordability? It would be hard to argue that it does not.

    To describe the notion of external capital affecting a local market, I need look no farther than my own backyard. Over the last decade and a half in my Strathcona neighbourhood, long-time family homes would turnover as the elderly tenants would pass on, or could no longer afford the upkeep. One notable speculator, the scion of a wealthy B.C. industrialist family, began amassing a real estate portfolio by buying these homes as they came on the market, in cash, and with no conditions. Of the estimated 340 detached single family homes in Strathcona, the Point Grey speculator may have snatched up a dozen, less than five percent of the available stock, but enough to change the market economics. The result was that many local residents—neighbours of more modest means—could not afford to buy into their community, and that house prices rose incrementally with each bidding-war for the limited stock available.

    What this tells us of course is that speculator investors certainly aren’t all foreign, but that externalities like non-local capital can price locals out of the market and inflate the median market value. Today, the median home price in the city of Vancouver is more than 11 times the median income. Even with the conservative estimate of five percent foreign investment, the premier is correct in her assertion that foreign capital buoys our domestic real estate market to the benefit of resident and non-resident speculators alike.

    While no level of government has yet to amass real data on speculation, there’s been no shortage of musing on the subject. South China Morning Post’s Ian Young has written extensively on the subject of foreign capital; urban planner and researcher Andy Yan has compiled records of utility usage to develop data on empty condos; the website Beautiful Empty Homes of Vancouver has itemized scores of empty million-dollar houses; in their 2008 campaign platform, Vision Vancouver called for “unlocking vacant condo units as rental housing”.

    Real estate and development professionals caution against demand side intervention as they may yield unintended consequences and risk cooling off Vancouver’s white hot real estate market. At the same time, the world’s top money manager is advising global investors to “Forget gold, buy a Vancouver condo if you want to stash your wealth”.

    For many, life in Vancouver—the most livable city in the world in the best place on Earth—is a gilded cage. Almost half of Vancouverites pay more than 30 percent of their income on rent, and half of that number pay more than 50 percent. According to the 2011 National Household Survey, over 50 percent of Vancouverites are renters, in my riding of Vancouver-Mount Pleasant that number is closer to 75 percent, in the DTES it’s 90 percent.

    When we talk about foreign investment—there is an important distinction which often gets lost in this conversation—foreign investors are by definition not immigrants or necessarily even residents: by law they cannot spend more than six month a year in Canada, and by circumstance, they do not pay into our “social contract” by way of income tax, nor do they pay capital gains tax on the sale of their property.

    Real estate investors do pay the same property tax that all Vancouverites (either directly or indirectly) pay, which helps cover costs of things like road maintenance, schools, and garbage. As senior governments play less and less of a role in providing housing, city governments are bearing the brunt of the affordability crisis, with developer cost levies—used to fund things like public amenities and community centres—increasingly being used to provide social housing but at a rate that can’t keep up with the market growth.

    There’s a sad irony in the notion that a “yes” for the transit-plebiscite proposed increase in sales tax will result in transit-oriented development that could create investment vehicles for people who might never pay sales tax at all (that said, I personally think the sales tax increase is money well spent for improved transit infrastructure).

    China, Hong Kong, Australia, and the U.K. all apply special taxes on foreign investors. Closer to home, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Prince Edward Island restrict foreign ownership of real estate—ditto resort destinations like Mexico. Last year the B.C. Chamber of Commerce released a report calling for the provincial government to address foreign investment and asserting that affordable housing is good for our economy. With one million new residents projected for Metro Vancouver over the next 30 years, we can expect the demand to remain buoyant.

    Over the last five years, Hong Kong in particular has successfully reduced property speculation and simultaneously redirected dividends to the provide public benefit through a three-tiered stamp duty. Hong Kong’s “3D” taxation scheme effectively targets corporate and non-resident buyers, quick resales (or “flippers”), and luxury property buyers; providing billions of dollars worth of social housing investment and cooling the market all without any long-term damage to housing values.

    Foreign investment is good for B.C.—ultimately it creates jobs and benefits for our economy—and it certainly is not the only cause of our affordability crisis, but to deny its role is irresponsible. Let’s look to solutions like a non-resident tax premium that could be remitted back to the municipalities to encourage more foreign investment or build social housing as local demand dictates. Let’s look to solutions like fixing our homeowners’ grant so that it recognizes the importance of investor-owned rental properties, rewarding “good” landlords and discouraging empty apartments. Let’s look at ways of closing corporate tax loopholes that allow bare trust holdings to avoid paying the property transfer tax. Let’s look at ways to use the property transfer tax to discourage speculative flipping for quick profit.

    Affordability will remain in focus on Friday (May 22) with Bob Rennie addressing the Urban Development Institute, where he’s expected to advocate for more supply; while the #DontHave1Million rally will see middle-income Millenials calling for senior government intervention; and I’ll be at the B.C. Green Party AGM to discuss this very issue.

    The time is now. It wasn’t too long ago that climate change deniers were refusing to act until they were presented with conclusive, definitive proof of anthropogenic change—and as a result we wasted valuable time. By that same notion, we cannot continue to ignore the roots of our affordability crisis and our obligation to act on it for the benefit of all British Columbians.Postscript: Originally published on the Georgia Straight’s Straight.com

  • Michael Geller: Housing, density and activist architects

    Michael Geller: Housing, density and activist architects

    Green Party city council candidate Pete Fry, spoke eloquently about how citizens are often given little opportunity to provide their input into community plans, both in terms of density and height.

    He urged the architects in the room to join the citizen activists as architect activists, and help communities to understand density and how best to plan their neighbourhoods.

    – See more at: http://www.vancourier.com/opinion/columnists/opinion-housing-density-and…

  • A better city together One community at a time and with a little help from our neighbours to the south

    A better city together One community at a time and with a little help from our neighbours to the south

    MY NAME’S PETE Fry. I’m a creative professional, entrepreneur and community activist, and I’m running for city council with the Green Party of Vancouver.

    I’ve been self-employed most of my adult life with clients ranging from the DIY indie music and club scenes to government and NGOs to arts and activists, but mostly I’ve worked with small businesses across Vancouver.

    Small businesses provide 80 percent of this city’s jobs, yet many are suffering due to ham-fisted rezonings and development; exorbitant taxes and property values; lack of a cohesive urban plan; and too much red tape. Along with my park board running mate, restaurateur Michael Wiebe, we’re excited to bring a front-line small business perspective to the Greens and this civic election.

    I’m also a community activist in my neighbourhood, Strathcona and the DTES, where I’ve lived since 1988. Most recently as chair of the Strathcona Residents’ Association, I advocated for the community in the Local Area Planning Process but I’ve also been very active regarding the proposed viaduct removal, safety, housing and heritage retention, as well as helping to raise money and grants.

    I’ll get this out of the way now because a lot of people ask me: Yes, my mom is Hedy Fry, Vancouver Centre MP since 1993. No, I didn’t grow up around political campaigns—I was in my mid-20s when she was elected and I’d long since left home.

    But like me, mom was a political neophyte when she first ran. Like me, she was running because she saw that something was rotten and needed fixing. In her case, it was the issue of same-sex partner rights. For me, it’s the state of Vancouver—slick, developer-funded, world class city building without the jobs, the affordability, the community or the infrastructure citizens actually need.

    To say at one point that I had distanced myself from my mom’s political career would be an understatement. I’m proud of what she’s accomplished for the LBGTQ community but as an artist, entrepreneur and iconoclast I wanted nothing to do with it.

    Running for public office wasn’t part of my plan, but all that changed after several years of community activism and butting heads with City Hall over citizens’ and neighbourhoods’ roles in decisions—more, the lack of that.

    Community engagement is not an “easy thing”. Even with proper representation it risks the tyranny of the majority, NIMBYism and resistance to change. But community engagement is the “right thing”. It’s the basis, literally, of democracy—the rule of the people.

    What is community engagement? Let’s start with what it is not. It’s not random selections of citizens taking direction from the top; it’s not sticky notes and roundtables to record and ignore. Community engagement is an opportunity to involve citizens meaningfully in the decisions that affect their lives.

    I recently travelled to Portland, Oregon, to see how they do things differently, and how that might apply to Vancouver. I met with planners, urbanists, business owners, housing activists, neighbourhood associations and city officials. I could write several articles on what I discovered there: affordable, human-scale housing initiatives; small business incubation; robust multi-modal transportation and genuine place making.

    But what really drew me in was the Office of Neighbourhood Involvement.

    The Office of Neighbourhood Involvement (charmingly located in the main foyer of City Hall) helps facilitate citizen/government relations. Established in 1974, their mission is to “Promote a culture of civic engagement by connecting and supporting all Portlanders working together and with government to build inclusive, safe and livable neighborhoods and communities.”

    There are 96 recognized neighbourhood associations in Portland. They get some funding and logistical assistance from the city, are expected to uphold standards of inclusivity and fair representation, They also have an active role in city governance.

    As counterintuitive as it may seem, studies show that if people aren’t totally dependent on government, they like it better and government is more effective. But without meaningful public involvement, there is an increased dependency on government institutions, who in turn are overwhelmed by demands for services.

    Arguably, this is the case here in Vancouver, where community consultation is often decried as an expensive time waster, overwhelming and unwieldy for staff and policy makers.

    Typically, our Vancouver consultation model is provided not as a collaborative opportunity, but as a pedantic, micro-managed process, that on one hand validates itself through citizen involvement, yet actively disempowers citizen input—meaning, the public have no responsibility for the decisions being made.

    Involvement doesn’t mean that citizen groups automatically “get what they want” but that they are engaged participants in the process, and invested in the solutions.

    In Portland, that involvement permeates all aspects of government and apparently begets a compassionate and informed populace. Every Portlander I spoke to appreciated both the work of the Office of Neighbourhood Involvement in enhancing the role of citizens and small business in decision making, and the wildly popular former mayor, Bud Clark.

    Clark, a tavern owner and community activist, ran an underdog campaign against a big money opponent, and is largely responsible for the spirit of community activism and its integration in the running of the city, and in government’s responsibility to citizens.

    I was lucky enough to meet Bud for a pint, and asked him what makes his city so great: he couldn’t give a definitive answer, but when I suggested it’s the people not the planners, he agreed—it’s the people for sure. And with that he wished me luck in my campaign to bring that same spirit to Vancouver.

    Pete Fry is a Green candidate for Vancouver city council. He is former chair of the Strathcona Residents’ Association and was a community representative on the city’s DTES Local Area Plan.Postscript: 

    Originally published in the Georgia Straight http://www.straight.com/news/761236/pete-fry-better-city-together